From reading most accounts of the Bristoe Station Campaign, launched by Robert E. Lee's Army of Northern Virginia on October 8, 1863 one would get the impression that there was little combat between the rival armies, save for the action at Bristoe Station on October 14, that gave the campaign its name. Nothing could be further from the truth. As Lee's maneuvers forced George Meade's Army of the Potomac back from Culpeper Courthouse to within 25 miles of Washington, D.C., there was a great deal of fighting -- much of it intense and quite severe. One of the most interesting actions occurred on October 12, as the Rebels moved to outflank Meade and cross the upper Rappahannock River. The results were the battles of Jeffersonston and Sulphur Springs. Below is an account of the battle of Jeffersonton from my forthcoming book, After Gettysburg, Before Grant, which will be published by Savas & Beatie this fall.
The Battle of Jeffersonton
Along the Rappahannock ,
everything hinged on news from Meade's right flank, where Brigadier General
David Gregg's division covered the river’s upper fords. The focal point of concern was Sulphur Springs – sometimes known as White
Sulphur Springs – one of the most beautiful and renown spots in all Virginia . Home of a mineral
spring reputed to have curative powers it had long been a popular tourist
attraction. During the 1830s entrepreneurs
had built a spacious and magnificent four-story hotel there. Combined with rows of individual guest
cottages flanking well-manicured and elaborately landscaped lawns, the resort
was capable of accommodating 800 guests.
Such
splendor did not survive the war, however.
In August 1862, Union and Confederate forces engaged in a nasty little
fight for the bridge spanning the Rappahannock
at Sulphur Springs. Hit by shells from
both sides, the hotel caught fire and burned to the ground. Now all that
remained of its former glory were blackened granite walls, standing in stark
contrast to majestic trees and untended gardens.
Little
more than a year later Sulphur Springs was once again the potential center of a
bull’s-eye. Lee’s infantry was marching hard toward the upper Rappahannock;
Hill’s Corp’s aiming for Waterloo
Bridge , while Ewell’s was
wearing out shoe leather toward the springs. But before the Rebels could count
on crossing the river at either location they would have to push Union cavalry
out of their way.
George
Meade did not intend for the Confederates to have to push very hard. Gregg’s
instructions were quite clear. He was to
post a brigade on the Sperryville road, watch for any sign of the enemy
and send in frequent reports. Meade's chief-of-staff made certain the general
understood “it was information of Lee's movements solely” that was wanted. The Union cavalry was not to get caught up in
a battle. It was not charged with
slowing Lee down. Its’ entire mission was to discover Lee's whereabouts and get
that information to army headquarters “at the earliest possible moment.” 222
Gregg
assigned the task of watching the Sulphur Springs road to his 2nd Brigade which
happened to be commanded by his cousin, Colonel John Irvin Gregg, who in turn placed
Lieutenant Colonel Garrick Mallery’s 13th Pennsylvania Cavalry between
Rixeyville and Jeffersonton. The rest of
the brigade he stationed north of the Rappahannock ,
spread out to cover the various roads to Warrenton.
Mallery
threw his pickets well forward of Jeffersonton and waited for something to
happen. For an agonizingly long time
nothing did. Feeling something
more proactive could be done, General Gregg dispatched Colonel Charles Smith’s 1st
Maine Cavalry to scout the road to Sperryville, traveling through Amissville,
Gaines Crossroads and Little Washington on its way.
As the 13th Pennsylvania stood guard near Jeffersonton,
Smith’s cavalrymen rode off to the west.
Reaching its destination without encountering opposition of any kind,
the regiment about faced to return via the same route it had come. Between
Amissville and Gaine’s Crossroads, however, it unexpectedly found A.P. Hill’s
infantry clogging the roads. In one of
those bizarre occurrences so common in war, the 1st Maine had ridden right across the path of
the oncoming Confederate army without seeing a single enemy soldier.
Realizing he had found what he had
been sent to find, Colonel Smith also understood he was powerless to
communicate his vital discovery. Cut off completely, with Lee's entire host
seemingly between his regiment and the Army of the Potomac ,
Smith had only one escape route left open.
The Union troopers headed north and west, beginning a thirty-hour trek
that would lead them on a 90-mile march around Lee's flank and back to their
own lines. While the 1st Maine
thus managed to save itself, the vital information it possessed regarding Lee's
movements was heading away from, not toward, George Meade.
As the
Maine
cavalrymen stumbled into their awkward predicament, Gregg’s troopers watching the Rixeyville Road
were descending into a worse ordeal. Around daybreak, dismounted Rebel cavalry began
driving in the 13th Pennsylvania ’s
outposts and by 9 a.m. Union pickets had been pushed all the way back into
Jeffersonton.
The
Rebels had no idea how many Yankees were holding the town, but they knew the
surest way to find out was to poke the beehive and see what swarmed out. So as
their dismounted skirmishers continued advancing, Southern cavalry essayed a
mounted charge toward the village. Anticipating
such a threat, Colonel Mallery had kept a reserve force of about 100 men in the
saddle. As the Rebels came thundering
forward, the Pennsylvanians counter charged.
For a moment it looked like a classic cavalry mêlée was at hand. But
before the opposing forces made contact the Virginians abruptly reversed course,
leaving their Yankee counterparts with no one to fight.
Being
denied a chance to cross sabers with the Rebels quickly proved the least of
Mallery’s problems. Lured out into the open, the mounted Pennsylvanians now became
easy targets for Southern marksmen who had been clandestinely deployed to take
advantage of the opportunity. Rapidly turning about, the Yankee cavalrymen beat
a hasty retreat. No matter how fast they spurred their horses, however, they had
no hope of outrunning the hailstorm of enemy bullets which emptied many saddles
before the colonel’s troopers made it back into town. Those who survived were ordered to dismount
and fight on foot.
As the
struggle around the little village continued, Mallery sent word back to John
Gregg that Confederate cavalry was on the road between Rixeyville and Culpeper.
Then, with no instructions to resist the Rebel advance, he ordered the 13th to
abandon Jeffersonton and fall back toward the Rappahannock .
As of yet Mallery’s men had seen no
Rebel infantry. The presence of Southern
cavalry meant little and might amount to nothing more than a reconnaissance. Not willing to
concede ground south of the river to Stuart’s horsemen, General Gregg ordered his
2nd Brigade to reinforce the Pennsylvanians.
That task
fell to Major George Covode’s 4th Pennsylvania Cavalry, which was just going
into camp between Sulphur Springs and Warrenton when the message to head south
arrived. Abandoning their bivouac, Covode’s men, accompanied personally by Colonel
Gregg, were soon crossing the Rappahannock to support their fellow Keystone State troopers. About 12:30 p.m., the
4th met up with the 13th about a half mile north of Jeffersonton. Gregg promptly directed the two regiments to
reoccupy the hamlet, which was easily done – the Rebel cavalry meekly falling
back into woods south of town.
But the
enemy did not remain meek for long. Confederates in force made contact with the
Pennsylvanians around three in the afternoon.
The 11th Virginia Cavalry, commanded by Colonel Dulany Ball, found the
Federals posted behind hills, fences and a stone wall surrounding the town’s Baptist
church. Dismounting his troopers, Ball tried
to dislodge the Yankees by a quick push.
The Rebels attacked with great vigor and fighting swirled around the town –
its epicenter the church’s stone wall, which was the scene of several bouts of
hand-to-hand combat.
Despite
the determination of Ball’s assault, a pair of Union regiments proved too much
for his Virginians and they were driven back with some loss. Once
more, however, Federal success was momentary.
Shortly after Ball’s repulse, Stuart, Ewell and Robert E. Lee arrived on
the scene, bringing with them the bulk of Funsten’s cavalry brigade and Major
General Robert Rodes’ division which was the vanguard of Ewell's corps. Seeing the retreat of the 11th Virginia , Lee – not
content to be a mere bystander – told Stuart to deploy his regiments and drive
the Yankees away.
While
Stuart moved to execute Lee's orders, Rodes deployed Brigadier General Cullen
Battle’s six Alabama
regiments and Major Eugene Blackford’s sharpshooters to surround the town. Battle dispatched
the 3rd, 6th and 12th Alabama on a sweep to
envelop Jeffersonton from the west, while the 5th and 26th Alabama moved to strike from the east. Blackford’s
command made a mile-wide circuit to get behind the town, his men being careful
to stay out of sight of the its defenders.
As the
infantry pressed forward, Stuart shook out Funsten’s Brigade, sending
the 7th Virginia Cavalry to the left, while posting the 12th Virginia Cavalry
to the right. The 11th Virginia , remounted, took position in the
center. The Federal troopers in Jeffersonton
were not blind to what was happening and a continuous and rapid skirmish fire
erupted between the rival lines.
Once the
Confederate regiments surged forward, however, the outcome of the fight was a
foregone conclusion. Outnumbered and
outflanked, those Pennsylvanians who could fell back. But most of the dismounted Federals
discovered their horses had disappeared – either captured or run off. With no officers in sight, some troopers held
a quick consultation and decided to retreat to a nearby ridge covered with
cord wood. Here each man hurriedly
stacked firewood to make an individual little fortress.
No sooner
were these makeshift fortifications erected, than Rebel cavalry came bearing
down on the ridge. After driving off
five separate charges, the isolated Pennsylvanians suddenly found themselves
confronting Southern infantry. Private
John Hollis watched aghast as “large square bodies” of gray troops approached,
battle flags fluttering in the breeze.
With a sinking feeling the private realized there was no escape.
Nonetheless, he was surprised at just how quickly the Federal position was
overrun; Rebel infantry with fixed bayonets easily rousting the Yankees out of
their wooden forts and marching them away as prisoners.
Gregg’s
mounted men seemed headed toward a similarly grim fate. About a half a mile north of Jeffersonton the
road to Sulphur Springs passed through an expansive pine thicket three-quarter
miles in length. In this dreadful tangle Funsten’s regiments slammed into the
retreating Federals, who turned to make another stand. For thirty minutes a
vicious close quarters struggle swayed back and forth, the Virginia
and Pennsylvania
regiments charging and counter charging in the difficult terrain. It was as mean
a fight as could be imagined; the dense pines trapping the gun smoke and
intensifying the “rattle of small arms,” shouts of command and “cries and oaths
of the combatants.” One Rebel called the struggle a “bloody and doubtful
contest” in which confusion reigned supreme.
Gradually
the Federals were pushed back by Confederate numbers and relentlessness. During the mêlée, Blackford’s sharpshooters
slipped between the Pennsylvanians and the river, threatening the Federal line
of retreat. Realizing they were in danger of being surrounded, the Northerners broke
and fled, running for the Rappahannock with
Stuart's men in hot pursuit. As they dashed toward the river, the
sharpshooters, positioned parallel to the road, poured a hot fire into the
Federal troopers, killing a dozen and capturing 20 others whose horses fell
victim to their fire.
With
Rebel cavalry bearing down on their rear and Blackford’s marksmen ripping into
their flank, the Pennsylvanians’ situation seemed to be worsening by the
moment. Without help both Union regiments were sure to be cut off and
destroyed. In an effort to stem the
crisis, Major Henry Avery’s 10th New York Cavalry was ordered across the river
to do what it could to protect the battered commands desperately trying to
reach the Rappahannock . Avery led his regiment to the south bank
and deployed a squadron of skirmishers on the slope of a long ridge running perpendicular
to the road and about a half mile from the river. The sudden appearance of the 10th New York diverted Confederate attention from
Jeffersonton’s fleeing defenders, thus saving what could be saved of the
regiment’s Pennsylvania
brethren.
That
success was a double-edged sword, however, as the Rebels now focused their
wrath on the Federal newcomers and the New Yorkers found themselves in exactly
the same sort of jeopardy the battered Pennsylvanians were escaping. Luckily
for Avery, his men were relatively fresh and his opponents somewhat
disorganized by their clash at Jeffersonton. Still, the 10th barely held on
long enough for the Pennsylvanians to get away. With his mission accomplished
and enemy troops pressing ever closer, the major was eager to extract his
regiment from its increasingly perilous position before it was too late. Although
the order to retreat was not long in coming, the 10th barely managed to get
back to the river, losing heavily in men and horses in the process.
As Avery
withdrew toward the Rappahannock , the first
part of the afternoon’s action came to an end. Gregg's cavalrymen had put up
quite a fight and the cost of their stubbornness was high. All three Federal
regiments were cut to pieces, losing collectively 17 known dead, 114
wounded and 432 captured or missing.
Sadly, these Federal losses served
little purpose. The mission of Gregg’s regiments was reconnaissance not combat. Caught up in what seemed a fairly routine
fight against Rebel cavalry, they were taken completely by surprise when Rodes’
infantry suddenly appeared. With no hope of significantly slowing Lee's main
body, the few regiments engaged at Jeffersonton wound up fighting for mere
survival. Their struggle, although a
brave one, was so utterly absorbing it unintentionally delayed transmission of the
critical intelligence on which Meade's entire army was waiting.
As soon as Federal officers in
Jeffersonton had spotted Rebels wearing knapsacks, a courier was dispatched to
Sulphur Springs with news that Confederate infantry was nearby. The assault of Stuart's cavalry followed so
closely on the arrival of Lee's infantry however, the courier had no chance to
get away. Blundering into the path of
the 12th Virginia Cavalry, he was taken prisoner after being severely wounded
and having his horse killed.
Hence, only when the battered
remnants of the 13th and 4th Pennsylvania
safely crossed the river, could evidence of Lee's infantry finally begin its
journey to an anxious Meade. Not until 4:50 p.m. did General Gregg hold in his
hand reports confirming Rebel foot soldiers were at Jeffersonton and marching
on Sulphur Springs. Gregg hastily scrawled
out a message to Meade saying that a large column of enemy infantry was “in
plain sight” and moving to cross the Rappahannock.
Buford's reconnaissance had informed Meade hours before that Lee was not at Culpeper. Now Gregg had evidence the Southerners were moving to turn the Federal flank. The Army of the Potomac was in the wrong place and it would have to reat quickly to escape the trap Lee was settting.
Buford's reconnaissance had informed Meade hours before that Lee was not at Culpeper. Now Gregg had evidence the Southerners were moving to turn the Federal flank. The Army of the Potomac was in the wrong place and it would have to reat quickly to escape the trap Lee was settting.
What a great read from my neck of the woods!
ReplyDeleteNice work, fun read.
ReplyDeleteAbsolutely True. My great great grandfather was in the 4th Pennsylvania Calvary. Only according to my grandmother (his granddaughter) he was captured up in a tree. He was part of a small scouting party "without their horses" then from out of nowhere they were suddenly enveloped by many more rebels than there were of them. He made it up a tree, and when a confederate officer on his horse stood just below him up in a tree, he decided to shoot him with his pistol and jump on his horse and take off. When he pulled the trigger his gun just went 'click'; it wasn't loaded, and the rebel heard it, looked up, took his own pistol, pointed it at him and told him to get down. And he ended up in, Andersonville prison camp. He survived Andersonville by eating worms and bugs and was the only one from the 4th Calvary captured that day to survive. He was lucky he didn't get sick as that is what killed most of his comrades. He was very traumatized by it. His name was 'George Washington Conrad', captured Oct. 12, 1863 near Jeffersonton, Va.. Thank you for documenting it; when I was researching about 10 years ago there wasn't much information on it.
ReplyDeleteMy grandmother's grandfather,George Washington Brown,was also captured and survived Andersonville. He was a bugler, I believe Company B of the 4th Pennsylvania Cavalry
DeleteGW Conrad Sergeant Co. M recruited in Luzerne Co.
ReplyDelete